CO129-610-1 Rehabilitation of Hong Kong University 3-1-1947 - 29-12-1947 — Page 232

CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案 All

The New Statesman and Nation, January 25, 1947

5. 230

A SHOP WINDOW OF

DEMOCRACY

AMONG the many changes of political attitude that the last few years have brought in the Far East, that of some of the younger Chinese to- wards Hong Kong is one of the most significant. Prior to the recent war, Hong Kong to China was as Gibraltar to Spain, a constant source of irritation to the intelligentsia and to those who were nationally conscious. Lately, however, increasingly during the last few months, there has been a change in this attitude and some of the intelligentsia are saying that whilst their long- term aim is that Hong Kong should be a part of China, at the moment they do not desire that it should return to the national govern-

ment.

The reasons for the change are three-fold. First, such a transfer of Hong Kong would, it is now seen, greatly increase the prestige of the reactionary element in the National Government and make more difficult the task of democratic and progressive forces in China; secondly, the recent experience of Formosa under the National Government has been far from happy; and, thirdly, it is now realised that Hong Kong might be made a shop window of democracy.

The Chinese intelligentsia are becoming more and more disheartened with events in China. They do not believe that agreement between the Kuomintang and the Communists is likely and they have little hope of the development of pro- gressive movements in China. Their pessimism is not dispelled by the liberal form of the new constitution, which was adopted recently by the National Assembly in Nanking (largely due to intervention by Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek) even though it does, nominally, lay the foundation of democratic government and envisages a time when China will no longer be under the one- party rule of the Kuomintang. Time will show how far their scepticism is justified. The immediate prospect in China is not comfort- ing, and the contrast between Nanking and Hong Kong is sufficiently striking.

In Hong Kong we have in the very centre of the Far East the opportunity of providing a shop window of democracy; one where we can demon- strate, by a rapid progressive movement towards self-government and, where practicable, a sub- stantial measure of nationalisation, the twin foundations upon which prosperity in the Far East can be based. As to self-government. that will undoubtedly rest upon adult suffrage irrespective of community. I, personally, am very much opposed to communal representation. When the franchise is granted to any of our territories in the Far East, it is only by a represen- tative realising that he is responsible to his con- stituents as a whole, irrespective of race or religion, that democratic government will begin to operate. When in the final stages there is a legislature founded on representative democratic principles. it will also, of course, mean that the executive will be responsible to ministers deriving thei authority from the legislature. Last, there is the Governor himself, who, in years to come, could well be a Chinese; this would give immense satis- faction in China and, even now, I would suggest that a Chinese resident of Hong Kong should be appointed Lieut.-Governor. It is of the greatest importance the Lieut.-Governor should be a man of Liberal ideas who realises that Hong Kong can be an asylum for Chinese democrats who are, to an increasing and alarming extent, finding it difficult to live and work in China. Many Chinese who used to urge that Hong Kong be returned to China are today deeply grateful for the part that Hong Kong, under the British, has played as a refuge from political persecution and they feel that the need for such a refuge is by no means at an end.

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As we have found by experience in this country the best way to build up an effective democratic movement is to start with sound trade unions and co-operative societies. The masses realising throughout the East, to an ever-increasing extent, that their enemies are not coolies in another religion or of another race, but their age-old economic enemies. These foes can only be countered by trade unions, co-operative socie- ties and the Labour Party which will grow out of them, and these bodies will provide in them- selves experience of democratic government and a development of brotherhood. In addition to these means, which are, of course, paramount, there are others, minor, but still important, in the furnishing of the shop window. Among these I would rate, highly, Hong Kong University. In the past, this University has been chiefly noted, at all events, outside Hong Kong, for its medical and engineering faculties. It has served a wide area of the Pacific, and from as far away as Malaya it used to be quite common for young men to enrol as students, but Hong Kong University can play a much larger part than it has done in the past if it be enlarged and developed to serve the great need which exists. The young people in the Far East, including China, would appreciate a first-class department of Political Science and Economics where they could learn the answers or, at all events, study the problems, created by the new situations developing in the world, matters which so vitally affect them. Then, too, there should be a great department of Oriental studies, so that the ancient and modern culture of the Far East and particularly of China could be made known to those who desire to cultivate this field of knowledge. In other words, whether a man is a disciplined follower of Confucius or under the romantic spell of Taoism, he should find guidance at this seat of learning. Hong Kong University can, therefore, play its part as a great pulsating power-house of ideas in the Far East, serving not merely British possession, but China and other countries as well. Finally, such matters as child welfare, the position of women, public health and education generally must be the best possible and can serve as objects of study by people from other countries.

To sum up, Hong Kong can and should be made by us a little model State, politically, economically, culturally, educationally and socially. By so doing, not only will the inhabi-. tants benefit immensely, but also as part of the shop window, they will satisfy a need over a vast area in which more and more people are desiring democracy without the experience or the oppor- tunity of considering at first hand.

The British no longer regard Hong Kong as a strategic base. From this point of view its futility was proved in the last war. Indeed, our whole position in the Far East has changed. We are no longer an Imperialist Power so far as China is concerned. We could no longer supply arms or sterling to foreign countries even if we so desired. But we can supply goods where other badly- needed goods can be exchanged, and we can supply ideas, the most potent export of all. And with this export we must show by our institutions and our good administration how such ideas can be

ut into practice.

D. R. REES -WILLIAMS

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